The Corporation of the Borough of Belturbet 

County Cavan, Ireland

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Forum - Layout and landmarks

The Town Book and other early documents raise many questions concerning the Town Plan. Street names are rarely mentioned - the first of only a few references to Holborn Hill is in 1724 . Vague (for us) locators such as 'beside the house of'' make it difficult to follow development of the town. No maps are included in the Town Book and we have to look elsewhere for layout information. The earliest map I have located is a 1723 map indicating the properties of Reverend Samuel Madden which shows that the general layout of 1857 Ordnance Survey was already in place by that time but otherwise provides little information on landmarks mentioned in the Book. It does include several puzzling features discussed later, as well as locations of some homesteads. Landmarks which probably remained in their original positions and are frequently mentioned in the Town Book are Market House, Creeny Bridge, Ducking Stool, Commons. The Church of Ireland is not mentioned frequently but is considered a stable landmark.

A Few Questions about Lost Landmarks (more to come):    Town layout  In July 1610 the Plantation Commissioners set out to  layout the towns, decide how many houses, lay out their sites and assign land for the houses and the Church. It appears that the plans for Belturbet have been lost (R. J. Hunter, Towns in the Ulster Plantation, Stud Hib 1971) suggests that some Privy Council records relating to Belturbet were destroyed by fire) but it is clear that the town was divided into 'homesteads ' stretching from the Church to the top of (present) Holborn Hill. Coote (Statistical Survey (1802)  says the town 'was regularly divided into compartments termed homesteads, each of which contains 36 yards and to which is annexed a proportionate quantity of bog.'  It further appears that the homesteads were later sub-divided into halves and even quarters and the  privileges which went with them proportionately divided. That the average four-house street-front on the 1857 Ordnance Survey map is about 36 yards confirms this conclusion                                                                                                                                              Question:: Are there any contemporary records on this subject and where are they ?                    

Townland Boundaries and 1617 Indenture                                                                                                                             The 1617 Indenture (Pat Roll Chan 16 Jas.I pt 6) cites the following townlands which were granted to the Corporation in whole or in part: Kyle italry alias Belturbet (2 pooles); Derryfada (one poole); Kyle Ivahy ((one poole);  Moy (1/4 poole) ; Stroghacoglin. The borders of the items in red are not known. One border of Straghaglin was a ditch  which ran down what is now Castle Hill ) so Bridge Street, known in 19th century as Straghaglen Street was in fact in Straghaglen while Lower Bridge Street and the land adjoining it as far as Mill Hill was outside the town boundary. By 1834 there was still no detailed map of the town. Its boundaries were described to the Commissioners for Municipal Corporations by the Town Clerk as follows:  ‘ . . .commencing at the river, at the part called the Ducking Stool; then winding round an adjoining point of land running into the water, and running along a ditch which divides Straghaglan from the Corporation. It then goes past the Westlayan Preaching House, leaving it on the right and by the right side of Mr. Gumley’s house past the Glebe House, leaving it on the left; then goes straight on by Keolohan’s corner house, up to Mr John Gumley’s wall and then straight on to the Church gate, thence to John Morton’s house on Holborn Hill, at the Cavan Road and thence from Morton’s house and Bob Gumley’s , adjoining to it to the river which thence forms the bounds as far as the Ducking stool from where the boundary commenced . . .’ Other lost landmarks cited in the Indenture include the TileKill Yard, (one acre), mills, mansions of Nicholas Swanson and Agnes Britten.                                                

Town Book Landmarks                                                                                                         Following are landmarks mentioned in the Town Book on which local knowledge is sought 

1674 Bleaching yard built by Wardell, (probably on site of Military barracks). Does anyone know?

the town well, dug by Wardell in 1672  probably on the Diamond. There was a horse trough on the Diamond in the early 1900's which might have still drawn its water from that well. (There was no central water system in the town until 1937)

the town stocks were in frequent use between 1711 and 1735, one hour in the stocks on market day being the sentence for, for instance, non-payment of fines. Much money was spent repairing them  Where were they situated ?

the Church Bell. In 1705  a bell costing £10 was donated to the town by Thomas Logan, apothecary, and was erected probably as a warning bell. For that price it must have been a foundry bell. Was it transferred to the Church of Ireland steeple when that extension was built around 1829? If not where is it?

Town Seal - The town seal is in the Royal Irish Academy

King's Arms In 1722  James Armstrong was asked to carve the King’s Arms in stone, 3 feet square and to gild it for £ 4. He was also in 1727 asked  to build a ‘Market Cross’ for £5 10s (other charges for repair in 1761). Who was James Armstrong and have any of his carvings survived? In fact the carving of the King's Arms is in the possession of George Morrrissey, author of Belturbet A Chequered History available through www.erneheritagetours.com

In 1726 it was ordered 'that a convenient seat shall be built in the Church of Belturbet on the ground where it is laid out by the vestry for the Provost and Burgesses and with all things necessary out of the town stock. John Jones Sen. Esq. and Fran Nevill Esq. to be overseers and they to account for the same upon oath'  (BC/1 p 299)( see account of Francis Nevill under Inhabitants)   The seat eventually cost about 22 pounds 17 shillings and three pence including a prayer book at 18 shillings and sixpence. The seat is not evident within the church cruciform as of November 2006. It may be elsewhere in a storage room under the steeple or it may have been removed to the Rectory or elsewhere after abolition of the Corporation in 1840.   

There are many references to the Black Bog Lane. Was this what is now St. Mary's Terrace or Chapel Road?  

1737 Bleachyard An indenture made in 1733 stated that the Corporation, in consideration of a piece of ground lying at the ducking stool given by the Rt. Hon the Viscount Lanesborough to the town of Belturbet for a bleach yard do hereby give grant bargain and sell unto the said Lord Lanesborough his heirs and assignees for ever the lane which belongs to the said Corporation from the gate leading into the brickyard towards the ducking stool in Belturbet aforesaid as the same is now enclosed.             The lane appears to be the Lawn or more likely a track parallel to it at the foot of the Lawn front gardens, which would put the Brickyard (tileyard?) in the area somewhere in the block between Lower bridge Street and the extension to the river of Castle Hill. A brick yard needs water so it may have been close to the river. An area near the river was known in recent times as the Green Lawn (numbered 14 on an Ordnance Survey map). Was it originally the Bleach Green? Does anyone Know?

Various lanes (TBD)

Town Book missing entries. There is evidence that a number of important entries are missing from the microfilm version of the Town Book. For instance, An Scolaire Bocht, a local historian who wrote in the Anglo-Celt in the early part of the 20th century quotes a Minute from the Corporation dated 31st December, 1773: To His Excellency, Simon, Earl Harcourt, Lord Lieutenant General and general Governor of Ireland, the provost, Burgesses and Freemen of Belturbet, herewith present the Freedom of the Corporation in testamony of the high opinion and veneration they entertain of his Patriotic Virtues and Eminent abilitys through which the government of this Kingdom has been established in firmness, moderation and integrity, confirmed by National Confidence and Universal Esteem!

To the Right Honourable John Blaquirere, Esq. Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, one of His Majesty's Most Honourable Provy Council, the provost, Burgesses and Freemen of belturbet herewith present the Freedom of this Corporation in Remembrance of his Excellent Discipline, in Military Command and in testamony of his Patriotic Conduct in Military Command and Abilitys wherein cander and Perspicacity has been so eminently distinguished.

At the same court as last the Freedom of the Borough was presented to the Honourable William Harcourt, Lieutenant-Colonel of the 16th Regiment of Dragoons in grateful remembrance  of his Exemplary Conduct when quartered in this Town where proved (sic) that the Martial Fire of a soldier is not unconsistent with the Feelings of Humanity and the Modest Grace of a Gentleman.    And also in the same court: to the Honourable Harcourt Neinaham (Newenham?)in testamony of their esteem and respect for his Manly Virtues and Stedy Principles, the Character of True Nobility, the Blessings of Private Society and the Guardians of the Public Good.                The Scolaire Bocht wonders whether a poor Town Clerk on two pounds a year was overcome by the occasion and inadequately reported it. It is suspected that even in those days there was a Press Agent with a  prepared sycophantic text for entry in the Book for posterity. It is interesting to note that in 1773 the Town was granted two additional fairs by Harcourt by proclamation. Neither this proclamation nor the entry quoted are in the manuscript. The proclamation has been inserted (by me) in the transcription at p 224.

Bridie Smith, another local historian who wrote for the Anglo-Celt at about the same time wrote in June 2 1928 under the heading Historic Belturbet that one of the strictest laws of the Corporation was that forbidding Catholics to enter the town or live on the east side of the bridge.  An entry of October 3rd 1660 orders all papists that doth live and inhabit within this town and corporation or the liberties thereof that they . . . remove themselves and familys . . . by December under pain of 20s sterling . . . (BC/1).  It is presumed that this is the pertinent law. There is nothing in the surviving  Town Book Courts to reinforce this law nor are their entries to indicate how stringently it was enforced. Yet another missing entry is that alluded to by the Commissioners for Municipal Corporations (First Report 1835 p 966) describing the predominantly Protestant complexion of the Town:  . . . the corporation  within the last century . . . appears by entries in the books of proceedings to have passed a resolution to fine a suspected papist 20s until he should leave the corporation district . . .   

Two other decisions not in the extant Town Book but quoted by the Commissioners are as follows: The Provost  attended a meeting in Dublin on February 25th 1790 at which it was agreed that the ‘acting Provost get 30 guineas a year, he paying the Corporation dinner June 24th  that he is to pay out of the remaining issues and profits, all charges for repairing the Court House and every other charge usually paid by the Corporation and then pay the overplus to the burgess whose turn it is to be provost, to be disposed of in such a manner as he pleases[9]  And a second in 1800 ordering that Humphrey Withers, Richard Dane and John Moultray Jones shall act alternately as Provost of the Corporation, paying the usual amount out of the customs to the other burgesses . .

All these entries appear to have been part of the Town Book well after the abolition of the Corporation and their absence begs the question of the completeness of the record now available, as well as the further questions as to why they were removed and if they still survive somewhere.

Questions raised from sources other than the Town Book

Grey Limestone for Church, Kilconny Bridge, Slip, Quay and Military Barracks, Staghall Chapel.  Where was the quarry?

 Weavers' Row (Patrick Street/William Street), which comprised 20 terraced mud-walled single-storied slated houses and which had descended to slum status by the 1930's and were demolished.  The name Weavers Row does not appear on the 1857 Ordnance Survey Map and may be a local name. The houses  appear to have been built all at the same time and designed to accomodate weavers whose looms were usually on mud floors. Most likely time for the construction was in the period around 1750.  In 1739 Belturbet was considered to be ‘the principal mart for the linen manufacture in the counties of Fermanagh and Cavan’[8]  At that time Ulster landowners were establishing weaving enclaves within their towns and Lanesborough, may have been following their lead. In 1733 he struck a deal with the Corporation to establish a bleach green in exchange for a lane close to the ducking stool. The bleach green was probably on what is known as the Green Lawn. The Irish economy continued to grow in a robust fashion between 1760 and 1815 and so John Wesley's comment (1776) that he found Belturbet, '. . . once prosperous, now greatly decayed . . .  is surprising. It appears Belturbet lost its eminence as a major trading centre for linen webs within a few decades as the linen market realigned. However, the linen trade was not the only source of Belturbet's prosperity and other factors - such as Lanesborough's financial problems and the increasing corruption in the town's market may have contributed to the decline.  By 1802 the market in Belturbet dealt mostly with yarn, not webs and the nearest active bleach green was in Cootehill. Whether the weavers of the Weavers Row continued to weave and brought their webs to market centres such as Cootehill and Ballybay or whether they migrated north to more prosperous centres or to America is not clear but it would appear that the Weavers' Row enterprise had failed not very long after its inception. Some or many of the town's inhabitants  suffered loss of income while the prominence of Belturbet as a market centre was diminished. Interest in the linen trade continued, though at a reduced level and  in 1796, 40 persons in parish of Annagh participated in the Flax growers’ competition and won spinning wheels (PRONI 1796 Flax Growers). By the 1840, the Belturbet linen trade was no more. If indeed the weaving trade died so long ago  it is remarkable that the names Green Lawn and Weavers Row, should have survived in local memory without official record into the 20th century.

Military Barracks A general  layout of the barracks is shown on the 1857 Ordnance Survey Map. A detailed plan is given in Plans of the barracks of England and Ireland 1858-66 (4 Vol) (to which I do not have access). . . The original barracks, which contained only 10 rooms was built in the 'reign of Queen Anne'. Up to that time, the Army was billeted on the inhabitants although the Town Book contains no reference to it. There is an exchange entered in the Book concerning 'fire and candle' in 1662 when the Corporation failed to meet its commitments. On Oct. 1663 the Ld Lieut. (Ormond) wrote to the magistrate of Belturbet: Whereas we formerly directed our letters to you to give order for the providing of fire and candle . . . which we are informed are not complied withal, whereby his Majesty’s service is neglected, we have therefore thought  fit hereby to . . .give obedience to our order . . . ‘ (this quotation is from the Ormonde papers and is not included in the Town Book). According to the House of Commons (Ireland) Journal, the total cost of repair and a new section added in 1753 was £1168  11s 11d.  In 1760 all barracks in Ireland were deemed to be  in need of maintenance and expansion. The estimate for the maintenance and building an infirmary, storehouse and forge at Belturbet at that time was £1525 9s 10d halfpenny. These are considerable amounts of money for the time. Lanesborough donated a riding school in 1750. Where was it?. There were 150 barracks in Ireland in 1824. Belturbet was designed for 196 NCO's and privates and 101 horses. In 1837, it had 49 NCO's and privates and only 46 horses. Enniskillen was a Foot barracks and had 496 NCO's and privates. What other changes were made during the Napoleonic period?  The barracks was important to the economy of the town. How much did the Barracks contribute including maintenance, local services and wages each year ?.What percentage of soldiers (who were mostly English) settled in the town when their service was complete? There were barracks at Ballyconnel, and Cavan as well with considerable establishments

Belturbet Annual Horse Race -The Town's first Tourist Attraction 

Belturbet was one of a number of market towns set up in the 17th century Plantation of Ulster. The town was allocated a Commons area where homestead owners could graze their cattle, the number of cattle being dependent on whether the inhabitant was a freeman, burgess, or Provost. The location of the Commons is shown on the map section (1911 Ordnance Survey). There were three 'gates' to the 

Commons , one at the location indicated on the map , one at Bunn and one in Ballinlough. In 1688 the Provost, burgesses and 'commonality' decided that 'ground for a horse race be made around the town commons' and agreed to contribute to the cost. George Russell , Town Clerk, was asked to lay out the course and was given land near Creeny bridge in payment for his work. This initiative seems to have been the beginning of the establishment of Belturbet's reputation as as a centre for horse-racing in the first half of the 18th century and as a horse trading centre up to the 1940's. In 1702 it was ordered that 'a silver tankard of ten pounds be run for upon the town commons upon Whitsun tuesday with five pounds to be paid out of the town stock' and the remainder to be paid by the owners of the horses. The tankard was engraved with the winner's name at a cost to the town of six shillings. At the same time Thomas Stanford, a burgess, bought a standard for the measurement of horses for four shillings and by 1707 the race meet was a two day affair with a saddle, bridle and whip as additional prizes. Names of horses in the races were entered in the Town Book, a typical surviving entry being: 'May the 15th 1714; This day entered a grey horse by the name of creeping Jack belonging to Capt. Fran. Aldridge to be one of the running horses for this year's plate And a grey mare Connolly called Drowsy belonging to Mr. Thos. Parker and one bay mare called Sinoglen 7 years old belonging to Col. Noble And one grey mare belonging to Capt. Alexander Sanderson called Maggie Lawther'.                                                                                                         By the 1730's Belturbet's Whit races were were events not to be missed with entries from widely separated places and with officers from the army or the militia dominating the names list. The occasion was a festive one with huts and stalls for the sale of liquor and with facilities for spectators and hucksters. A formal set of rules was entered in the Town Book as follows:  

Articles of the Race of Belturbet (BC/1 p325)

 1) The horses mares and geldings that is to run for this plate shall enter their names their colour and owners names of each before the hour of six o clock in the afternoon of the Saturday before the race and shall then pay their share of the plate to make up the complement of half the value of the Plate and are to be kept form that time within the corporation until they run the said Plate

2) No horse mare or gelding that run for the Plate of the Currough of Kildare shall run for this plate

3) No horse mares or geldings shall carry the weight following viz.

 those of fifteen hands and upwards are to carry ten stone

 those of fourteen hands and a half nine stone

 those of fourteen hands eight stone

thirteen and a half seven stone

 thirteen hands six stone undras they can be served

4) All that run for this plate are to run three hates around the commons each hate and to lave all the posts on the riders right hand

There is half an hour between each hate allowed for rubbing and one pound for waste

5) Any horse or gelding that win two hates and saves their dish? the third hate wins the Plate.

And in case three several horses, mares, geldings each wins one hate and they shall save their distance.  horses must run a fourth hate the winner of that hate wins the Plate

All riders must ride fair and must not whip their horse mares or geldings on any side but that which they carry their whip in at starting.

6) No gent or person are to carry into the court this day any kind of arms with them and any person may kill any dog that comes this day into the commons.

And any gent or other that rides upon the court or .. the same during the time of the running shall forfeit the benefit of the plate to such as run for the same.

Judges shall be appointed by the Provost and all disputes that may arise relating to the said race either in measuring the horses or weighing the riders or otherwise shall be left to the Provost and determination shall be final.                                   

               Despite the fact that the Corporation continued to pay substantial sums from the town coffers for the repair of the racetrack over the years the Provost imposed (in 1737) an additional tax of one penny per cow grazed on the commons to maintain the track in a reasonable condition. This appears to have been an unpopular move because a bye-law was later enacted to the effect that this tax would be collected by the constables and that those who did not pay were liable to seizure of goods. Interest in the horse race appears to have declined subsequently. This may have been as a result of a revolt by those whose cows grazed the Commons although there is no reference to such an occurence in the Town Book . The participants in the races were of the elite while the majority of those with grazing rights had an annual income less than one quarter the value of the plate; yet they were forced to pay for the track upkeep and to see the grass destroyed at a time crucial for growth. There are also indications that the commons was already overgrazed and would become increasingly so, but whatever the reason, Belturbet's first tourist attraction seems to have lost its allure. However interest in horses continued. The Annual Ash Wednesday fair was dedicated to horse sales with sales recorded in the Town Book. A few of the records survived and show participation by dealers from Meath, Fermanagh, Armagh,  Monaghan and Louth. The fair was still held in the 1930's and horses were show-galloped along Church Street which was packed with spectators and dealers.                                               

Have any of the prizes presented at the races (the Plates) survived?

For Sue Cole: Freedom and apprenticeships

One of the means by which the commissioners for the Plantation of Ulster sought to bring 'civility' to the Irish was to establish market and incorporated towns on the English model. Incorporation implied a charter from the King granting certain powers to the Provost (or mayor) and burgesses including the power to elect two members to the Irish parliament in Dublin. The first Provost and  burgesses were named in the charter and the powers granted were to be handed on to their successors. The office of burgess was for life, while the Provost was elected yearly from among the burgesses by the burgesses. Replacement of burgesses who died or were disfranchised was usually by election by the other burgesses from among the town's freemen. Freeman was a class recognized by the corporation as a source of candidates for promotion to burgess. Freemen were usually merchants or craftsmen. You became a freeman by virtue of your father being one, or having served an apprenticeship with a freeman or you could (in Belturbet) buy freedom from the Provost.  Just what privileges and exemptions freemen had depended on the Provost and on usage. In Belturbet,  freemen were permitted to operate a  business and they did not have to pay  'quarteridge' tax; they did have the prospect of promotion; they could become members of the Common Council (until it was abolished in 1708) and through it exert some influence on corporation policy and the title, of course, provided a level of prestige. Freemen were also permitted by the corporation to train young persons in their trade or craft and, as has been said, these trainees (or apprentices) might automatically become freemen at the end of the training. The hierarchy within an incorporated town was therefore Provost, burgesses, freemen and commonalty, the latter having little say in corporation affairs.                                         The apprenticeship system was again derived from that which prevailed in English (and Irish Pale) towns. In towns of significant population craftsmen or merchants in  particular disciplines (i.e. masons, goldsmiths, weavers, clothiers, ironmongers) established guilds to protect their members, their trade secrets, and to ensure that training of young people (apprentices) in their particular discipline would be of a standard to reflect credit on the guild. Craftsmen who were permitted to train apprentices were known as 'masters'.   Each  apprentice was bound to the master by an indenture which spelled out the responsibility of both parties. In the late Middle Ages the terms of  indentures varied from place to place and from trade to trade and in 1563 a Statute of Artificers was enacted to establish uniformity. Artificers in Irish cities such as Dublin and Cork adapted the Statute to suit their needs and later, towns which were incorporated under the Plantation of Ulster (which initially had very small populations) used it as a guideline for the control of tradesmen and craftsmen working there and for the training of the young. Belturbet's population in the 17th century was only a few hundred, insufficient to support guilds; in fact there may have been only one or two artificers in any particular craft in the town at any one time. The indenture system was overseen by the Provost and usually at least one burgess. It is believed that there were at one time many more indentures in the town book than have survived but that shown below is a typical example. It is of interest that John Wallis, father of the apprentice in the Indenture was himself a cooper and likely a freeman and one wonders why he did not train Wallis as a cooper too. Also, Sampson, the apprentice was required to live in the Hasley house 'nor from his service neither by day or night shall absent or prolong himself ' while his own family lived close by. The Indenture by which Henry Lummocks (about whom Sue Cole has enquired) was bound did not survive. However, at a court held the 24th day of May 1737 over the signature of the Provost, John Cramer Balthazar, Henry Lummocks was among several who 'were admitted & sworn free without fine they having served their apprenticeship in this corporation'                                              

A typical indenture (BC/1, p 37/8)

         This indenture made the nine and twentieth day of September in the year of our Lord God one thousand six hundred seventy and one and in the three and twentieth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord Charles the Second by the grace of God of England Scotland France and Ireland King, Defender of the faith

Between Henry Hasley of Belturbet in the county of Cavan Blacksmith on the one part and

Sampson Wallis son of John Wallis of the said town and county, cooper on the other part

Witnesseth that he the said Sampson Wallis of his own free consent and the consent of his parents and friends hath put himself as an apprentice to Henry Hasley aforesaid the trade or science which he is useth to be thought and with him after the manner of an apprentice to dwell and serve for and during the full term and time of seven years to commence from the day of the date hereof and from thenceforth next and immediately ensuing and fully to be complete and ended during all which time and term the said Sampson Wallis apprentice to the said Henry Hasley as his master well and faithfully shall serve his secrets, shall keep his commandments lawfull and honest everywhere and at all times shall do furiously (?) in the house of the said master nor without, he shall not commit hurt unto his said master; he shall not do or cause to be done, but he to his power shall  . . . or  . . of his master warn, at the dice cards or any other unlawful game he shall not play, taverns or alehouses he shall not haunt or frequent unless it be about his master's business there to be done; the goods of his said master inordinately he shall not waste nor them to anyone lend without his master's leane. Matrimony with any woman or maid the said term he shall not contract or espouse nor from his service neither by day or night shall absent or prolong himself but as a true and faithful servant ought to do shall carry and demean himself to his said master and all his in word as well as in deed. 

And the said Henry Hasley unto Sampson Wallis his said apprentice in the said trade or science which he now under. . . the best manner he can shall teach or inform or cause to be taught and informed as much as to the said trade belongeth or in any wise appertaining and in due manner chastise him he finding unto his said apprentice . . .    and washing and all other things to him necessary or belonging to any apprentice of such trade or calling to be had or found and at the end of the said apprenticeship shall give unto his said apprentice two suits of apparel the one for hollydays and the other for work days and also shall give unto him a pair of pincers, buttons and a sla..ing hammer

In witness whereof both parties to these presents indentured here severally sett to their hands and seals this day and year above written

Sampson Wallis

Signed and Delivered in the presence of Henry Coupman, John Shaw, Philip Lane and the above named Sampson                                                                                                                     There is a note: Wallis did not serve his time aforesaid with the said Henry   

For Ava Connelly re Millar/Morton: Be aware that the information given below is extracted from part of the Town Book (the Grazing Lists have not been scrutinized) and is superficial at best. For a more comprehensive treatment the Town Book with the Grazing Lists should be studied in more detail and other sources should be investigated as well. 

Miller/Millar: First mention in the Town Book  was in 1685 when Robert Millar gave the Provost 10 shillings and was granted freedom. William Millar is mentioned in 1711, 1717, 1723. He seems to have been a supplier of lime to various places. In 1725 a Robert Millar was given time by a  court to pay his quarteridge tax indicating he was not a freeman. In 1728 Robert was admitted free and subsequently played some part in town affairs.  With others he approved expenditures for 1730 and the building of houses for poor widows (which still exist). He had reached some kind of eminence as there is a charge for sweeping the street at his house, a service provided to only a few - one was the county Revenue Collector Neville. (see inhabitants page). After that there is no other mention in the Town Book, though there were still Millars/Millers in recent times. Belturbet: A Chequered History by George Morrissey (see item re King's Arms above)) reports that in 1976 Willie Millar caught the biggest trout ever recorded from the river at Belturbet - the Millars were great fishermen - and the family made its mark in many other ways as well.

Morton: This is a very hasty assessment but might be of some interest to you. A Jeffry Morton was paid elevenpence halfpenny as a result of an obscure court case in  1719. In 1736 John Morton was among those who approved leasing of the ground 'whereon the barracks now stands' to the barrack trustees at a rent of 'one peppercorn'. There was also a William Morton, who was made free in 1722, may have been a son of John. There was also an Edward Morton, may have been another son around at the same time. In 1748 John was an adjudicator in a court case. In 1751, James Morton was ordered to remove a heap of mortar which he had put in front of James Reynolds house. In 1756 James Morton was in a court case against William Cottnam, a soldier who owed him money.  He was in a number of other court cases up to 1759. In 1799, a John Morton was on the Market Jury and again in 1802 - there was also a John Morton on the jury at the same time. In 1803, John Morton was sworn Town Clerk and in 1815  a William Morton appears on the Market Jury. In 1815 John Morton was granted land in Deanery Street for an annual rent of sixpence and he also approved (with the Provost) the selling of ground in the Town End park  to a number of persons including himself and  John Junior !!! In 1821 the Widow Morton was given 5 shillings from the Robinson Bequest for poor Widows. That is the last mention of the Mortons in the Town Book but - as did the Millars - they continued to play an active part in the town into the last century and maybe this one too.

Information quoted above and designated with code BC/ has been derived from the Archives of the Corporation of Belturbet, Cavan County Archives, Farnham Street, Cavan, Ireland. 

 

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This site last updated February /2007

Acknowledgement: Ownership of the Archives of the Corporation of Belturbet resides with Belturbet Town Commission and is administered on its behalf by Cavan County Archives Service. Excerpts from the archives are identified with the Archives codes (BC/n). Permission to quote the excerpts presented on this site as of the above date has been granted by Cavan County Archives Service. Permission to publish these excerpts or any other parts of the Archives should be sought from archives@cavancoco.ie. Tel: 049-4378300